By Luca Benatti (L.B. Blacksmith)
Published under Public Register: www.lbblacksmith.org
This thesis presents a structural critique of modern academic and institutional narratives that frame universal civil rights as a "Catholic legacy." It argues that this assertion constitutes "Type 2 Plagiarism" (Plagio)—a systemic psychological exploitation of public trust designed to replace historical truth with institutional servitude. By tracing the genealogy of this narrative, the text demonstrates that the integration of theological concepts into secular governance is structurally reliant on the totalitarian framework declared by Benito Mussolini on 3 January 1925, which was subsequently preserved and codified post-war via the Holy Office’s 1949 decree of excommunication. The paper examines how authoritative systems exploit a statistically predictable audience to manufacture compliance, enforce nepotism, and systematically marginalize those demanding strict historical accuracy. Ultimately, this work exposes how the modern rule of law shields a continuous history of state-church architecture, tracing a structural thread of secular subversion from ancient Rome through the French Revolution to the post-war era, while academic elites maintain an unexamined silence.
Mainstream discourse focuses entirely on "Type 1 Plagiarism"—the transactional copying of text, structural footnotes, or administrative credential errors. This focus acts as a deliberate distraction. By reducing plagiarism to a corporate copyright violation, institutions cover up the deeper, systematic subjugation of the audience’s reality. The establishment uses figureheads to broadcast manufactured authority, while their critics use targeted plagiarism campaigns to clear space for their own ideological dogmas. This cycle of mimicry ensures that the foundational lies of modern bureaucracy remain entirely unexamined, effectively protecting the legacy of institutional servitude from genuine democratic scrutiny.
The contemporary landscape of elite academia exposes the utter breakdown of intellectual integrity, functioning instead as a theatre for institutional mimicry and competitive plagiarism. This structural reality burst into sharp public view through the media storm on Times Radio, orchestrated around the ideological clash between researcher Nathan Cofnas and the mainstream academic establishment. Interviewed by broadcasters like Aasmah Mir, these figures present themselves as fierce philosophical opponents. In truth, they are accomplices in the exact same crime of Type 2 Plagiarism.
The contemporary public focus on plagiarism reduction remains trivial, masking a deeper systemic betrayal. This proxy war has devastating, real-world consequences, exemplified by the tragic loss of Cambridge intellectual figures under relentless media scrutiny, a pattern of systemic weaponisation that echoes older administrative traditions of structural exclusion. As a matter of fact, the elite establishment and its detractors are locked in a symbiotic struggle: they are representatives of the exact same propaganda of democracy — a propaganda built upon the solid foundation of the Fascist Racial Laws enacted on 3 January 1925 and never abolished — and they are fighting each other purely over who can copy better. Neither faction seeks authentic civil truth; instead, both weaponise the apparatus of institutional compliance to compromise human autonomy and exploit the public's trust.
As a consequence of this severe plagiarism row, a public interest reward of £200,000 is hereby issued under public register at www.lbblacksmith.org to anyone—including broadcaster Aasmah Mir, the editorial executives of Times Radio, or researcher Nathan Cofnas—who can reconcile their narrative with documented historical truth.
Plagio is a Latin word and originally functioned as a civil rights protection law to address structural betrayal. Modern Anglo-American academic bureaucracy reduces plagiarism to a transactional violation of intellectual property: the mere copying of texts, citations, or missing attribution tags ("Type 1 Plagiarism"). In contrast, the historical and legal root of Plagio—originating from its natural environment of civil rights protection—addresses a profound structural betrayal. Plagio is the systematic psychological subjugation and exploitation of an audience's trust. It is the use of authority-driven misinformation to compromise human autonomy. To commit Plagio is to "sell the sky or the sun" to vulnerable people—manipulating their perception of reality by introducing divine justice or theological concepts to override and undermine the actual law of the land.
The continuing failure of authoritative systems to reconcile public narratives with historical facts while utilizing authority to shape public perception constitutes Type 2 Plagiarism — the brainwashing type.
Mainstream cultural institutions, elite universities, and media networks engage in a coordinated intellectual cleansing by propagating the narrative that modern democratic values are a "Catholic legacy". This claim is historically and conceptually fraudulent. Universal civil rights — such as individual freedom of choice, secular justice, and freedom of expression — historically emerged not from within religious dogma, but through explicit emancipation from the absolute power of the Church. Throughout history, these democratic principles were persecuted by the institution as existential heresies. The current institutional insistence on a "theological origin" for secular rights serves to replace literal historical truth with a regime of intellectual servitude and moral blackmail.
The institutional assertion that democratic values belong to the Catholic tradition is structurally impossible to make without relying directly on a totalitarian framework. On 3 January 1925, Benito Mussolini formally declared this exact premise — that democratic values were to be found in Catholic tradition — as the ideological justification to dismantle parliament, abolish the free press, outlaw political opposition as apostates of the faith and enemies of the state, and systematically construct the corporate Vatican State. It was an act of deliberate intellectual cleansing, transforming democratic values into a "Catholic legacy" despite their origin in secular emancipation. Because these foundational fascist legal frameworks were never genuinely abolished after World War II, but were instead renewed and assimilated into the post-war order, the modern "rule of law" acts as a protective shield for this historical deception.
So, the fascist laws enacted on 3 January 1925 to target Italian democrats and those demanding the secular value of justice, represent the structural checkpoint that marks the enactment of the true, foundational fascist racial laws. Rather than focusing on external demographics, these laws engineered an institutional cleansing of domestic secular democrats, criminalising individual freedom of choice and independent justice under the guise of state-church synthesis.
Mainstream historiography deliberately sanitizes this event, re-branding these foundational frameworks under neutralized euphemisms such as "leggi fascistissime" (the very fascist laws) or "cultural laws" to mask their structural architecture and origin. In America these are more popular as McCarthyism, but it was not McCarty who invented it (note McCarthyism). This abundance of different names for the same fascist racial laws creates a critical blind spot, hiding these fascist racial laws that have never been abolished behind the imported Nazi racial laws enacted 14 years later in 1938 to appease external German military alliances and later abolished in 1945.By hiding behind the 1938 timeline of the imported Nazi racial laws, elite institutions cover up the permanent 1925 state-church apparatus, and 1931 purge that treats secularism as an inherent heresy.
It is for this exact reason that I invite Mr Cofnas to
interview the
Holocaust survivor and Senator for life, Ms Liliana Segre, and
ask her
if she was persecuted by the fascist racial laws structurally enacted
on 3 January 1925, or if she had to wait fourteen years for the
imported Nazi racial laws of 1938. We already know the answer from the
Senator's own writings and public documentation, clearly reporting she
was never persecuted before 1938. (see Note: Liliana Segre).
In 1925 the leggi fascistissime were enacted and in 1929 the
restoration of the Vatican State was completed, to inherit the Vatican
Censorship and traditional witch-hunting.
Then in 1931 the Fascist regime passed Royal Decree No. 1227, forcing
all university professors to swear an absolute oath of allegiance to
the King, his successors, and the Fascist Regime to ensure uniform
ideological compliance in classrooms. Out of more than 1,200 active
tenured and non-tenured professors across Italy, only 12 had the
structural courage to refuse. They were immediately fired, lost their
titles, were banned from all scientific academies, and were completely
isolated by the state.
All of this and more, all happened before the Nazi racial laws
were
imported in October 1938. And it is with this concern I am inviting the
President of the Italian Republic to answer a few simple questions I
repeatedly raise in my videos with the £200,000 AWARD. In fact these
questions are still "in the Index of Inquisition" and cannot be
answered without unveiling that the Holocaust for the democrats is not
ended yet, and the local population is not in natural decline but intentionally decimated and replaced.
The list of the 12 professors who rejected the oath in 1931 to sign is preserved in academic records:
Users can find the complete detailed breakdown of their academic affiliations in the referenced documents
The Vatican Role: The Vatican approved the oath and advised Catholic professors to sign in "good faith," further isolating the dissenters.
Reference Grounding: Documented in Helmut Goetz's Der freie Geist und seine Widersacher.
The survival of this systemic misinformation relies entirely on exploiting the trust of a statistically predictable audience. Within a standard distribution of society, authoritative systems utilize the veneer of "good faith" and religious devotion to manufacture compliance among the vast majority (the 85%). This environment allows a small, compliant tier of insiders to secure degrees, career advancements, and systemic recommendations through institutional nepotism. Concurrently, those who demand strict historical accuracy, reject structural perjury, and defend authentic civil rights are systematically marginalized, denied legal recourse, and rendered "paperless" within modern bureaucratic structures. The absolute silence of academic elites (such as Oxford and Cambridge) when faced with these documented historical contradictions serves as definitive proof of their reliance on this unexamined 1925 foundation.
The post-war survival of the 1925 fascist laws was mathematically and structurally codified on 1 July 1949 through the Supreme Sacred Congregation of the Holy Office's decree. While modern historical narratives present this decree under the geopolitical excuse of anti-communism, its true structural target was the exact same target pursued by tyranny throughout history: the secular value of justice and human emancipation from divine absolute power. This structural conflict follows a continuous historical thread:
The Roman Precedent: The secular value of Justice, the emancipation from the Divine Justice, is the exact reason why Ancient Rome explicitly branded early Christians as uncivilised barbarians and terrorists, because of their attacks on the secular rule of law, civil administration and other people's rights.
The French Revolution Inversion: During the French Revolution, the clergy branded democratic rebels as "anarchists" for refusing to respect divine authority. Yet, it was the divine authority that historically violated both civil laws and its own dogmas, while the so-called "anarchists" were actually demanding a constitutional monarchy, systemic civil rights, and a secular rule of law that even kings had to respect.
The 1949 Re-enactment: The 1949 decree did not invent a new defense; it renewed the structural architecture of the 1925 Fascist Racial Laws. It leveraged theological moral blackmail to demand absolute intellectual servitude and psychological slavery. By weaponising the threat of excommunication against secular political participation, it insulated the unabolished 1925 fascist state-church architecture from democratic reform, framing secular legal independence as a moral crime.
This leads to the final, unavoidable contradiction that modern
academic and media networks refuse to address: Could anyone please
explain in what way a continuous religious tyranny can legitimately
claim to represent the "free world," when its underlying administrative
architecture relies on a permanent purge of independent intellect, and
any compliant substitute is welcomed to replace a systematically
decimated native population?
I wonder if the knowledge of Mr. Cofnas is limited to the narrative of institutional plagiarism, official misinformation, and brainwashing—or if he can provide real answers to real, documented questions?
To clarify for everyone the intellectual honesty of Times Radio broadcaster Aasmah Mir and university researcher Nathan Cofnas, this £200,000 challenge remains open on the public register at www.lbblacksmith.org.
McCarthyism : The phrase "McCarthyism" first appeared in print in March 28, 1950 in the Christian Science Monitor and was famously popularized by political cartoonist Herbert Block (Herblock) in the Washington Post. The Library of Congress notes that Herblock's legendary cartoon depicted four Republican senators pushing an official Republican elephant toward a platform built on top of a teetering stack of ten tar buckets — the topmost bucket boldly labeled "McCarthyism". While the Christian Science Monitor technically beat him to print by 24 hours, Herblock is widely credited with inventing and popularizing the term.
Liliana Segre : Public records and biographical testimonies confirm that she was expelled from her school in 1938 following the implementation of the imported Nazi-aligned legal frameworks, and she was never persecuted by the fascist racial laws enacted on 3 January 1925. This perfectly demonstrates the institutional sleight of hand: by focusing exclusively on the 1938 timeline, mainstream narratives completely hide the foundational 1925 state-church architecture that had already crushed secular democratic legal systems over a decade prior. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Liliana_Segre
The 1925 Corporate Foundation: Regio Decreto-Legge 24 Dicembre 1925, n. 2263 ["Attribuzioni e prerogative del Capo del Governo"], and the subsequent Leggi Fascistissime collection (1925–1926) published in the Gazzetta Ufficiale del Regno d'Italia. These laws formally structurally dismantled parliamentary oversight, criminalised secular opposition networks, and established systemic "cultural compliance".
The 1929 Vatican Synthesis: Patti Lateranensi (Lateran Treaty), 11 February 1929. Explicitly documents the restoration of the Vatican City State as a sovereign corporate body, establishing the structural legal mechanics through which modern civil administrations inherited traditional clerical censorship models.
The Loyalty Decree: Regio Decreto-Legge 28 Agosto 1931, n. 1227, Article 18 ["Disposizioni sull'istruzione superiore"], published in Gazzetta Ufficiale del Regno d'Italia, n. 233 (8 October 1931). The primary source text mandating the absolute oath of allegiance to the Fascist Regime for all university chairs.
The Dissident Records: Goetz, Helmut (2000). Il giuramento rifiutato: I docenti universitari e il regime fascista. Milan: La Nuova Italia. (Detailed documentation tracking the structural elimination and isolation of the 12 "paperless" professors).
Buonaiuti Case Study: Buonaiuti, Ernesto (1945). Il pellegrino di Roma: La generazione dell'esodo. Rome: Darsena. (The definitive historical autobiography mapping the dual Vatican-Fascist institutional purging of independent religious historiography).
The Nazi-Aligned Adaptations: Regio Decreto-Legge 17 Novembre 1938, n. 1728 ["Provvedimenti per la difesa della razza"]. Documents the imported, demographic-specific racial laws introduced late in the regime to secure external alliances, which modern elite networks use as a chronological shield to obscure the deep structural purges of 1925 and 1931.
The Holy Office Decree: Decretum Supremae Sacrae Congregationis Sancti Officii, 1 July 1949, published in Acta Apostolicae Sedis (AAS) 41 (1949), pp. 333-334. The primary source decree that formally universalised the exclusionary apparatus of the unabolished 1925 frameworks, explicitly deploying the administrative weapon of global excommunication against secular political choices under the cover of the Cold War.
The Historical Lineage: Pope Pius IX (1864). Syllabus Errorum (Syllabus of Errors), issued with the Encyclical Quanta cura. The core historical document indexing the explicit condemnation of individual freedom of choice, secular education, civil rights, and the absolute separation of church and state.
The Inversion of Autonomy: Gobetti, Piero (1924). La Rivoluzione Liberale: Saggio sulla lotta politica in Italia. Bologna: Cappelli. (Exposes the systemic framework wherein traditional clerical networks weaponised moral blackmail to brand democratic autonomy as an existential transgression).